Famine In Gaza ‘Now Inevitable’

You can read the story here:

‘The Secret Army’ Film – In Case You Missed It….

Everton 2 Liverpool 0

Poor Henry, that he didn’t live to see this day…….

How Kincora Began

By Roy Garland,

Introduction by David Burke

A lot has been written about William McGrath, especially about his role in the Kincora Boys’ Home scandal. McGrath was convicted for some of the crimes he committed at Kincora in December 1981, but no more.

The mainstream media coverage has tended to focus on McGrath’s role at the home while ignoring his long track record as an abuser, which was in evidence as early as the 1940s. 

Roy Garland’s path crossed with that of McGrath in 1956. He encountered McGrath at a mission McGrath led in Belfast at a mission based at Faith House. 

Garland is a hero of the scandal, which has become known as the Kincora saga, although Kincora was only a part of it. Garland knew that McGrath was an abuser and alerted the RUC but they did nothing about him. In the process, Garland put his life at risk. 

There have been a number of inquiries into the Kincora scandal. None of them have managed to get to the root of the scandal, or clarify McGrath’s relationship with the security and intelligence services.

The RUC carried out a number of inquiries in the 1980s, which, while they led to McGrath’s conviction, did not reveal his links to the intelligence services.

The George Terry Inquiry also failed in this respect. It reported in 1982.

Another inquiry led by Judge Hughes in 1984 was meant to look at the wider picture but its terms of reference were changed in secret. By the time this became clear, his inquiry was at an end.

The Hart Inquiry (also known as the Historical institutional Abuse Inquiry or HIAI) was another failure. Its 2017 report was riddled with factual errors, two of which relate to Roy Garland.

Roy Garland is writing a book about the wider issues surrounding William McGrath. He has kindly provided this essay, which touches upon some of the points he will be developing in the book. 

KINCORA, THE HIDDEN STORY

By Roy Garland, March 2024

 Speak up for those who cannot speak for themselves; ensure justice for those being crushed.  Yes, speak up for the poor and helpless, and see that they get justice.  

Proverbs 31:8-9 (NLV)

Ignoring Faith House

Judge Hughes said of his Inquiry “The conduct of the police, or elected representatives, or clergymen, or military Intelligence” were “not under scrutiny in this Inquiry.”   

The decades of abuse at Faith House was also outside the Terms of Reference (TOR) so it could not be investigated yet scores, possibly a hundred or more boys, young men and women were abused there.  

The HIAI Inquiry, which reported in 2017, seemed to assume I spoke on Kincora, about which I knew nothing.  I spoke about Faith House, which was founded in 1941 long before Kincora came to light.  The “mission,” at Faith House, Christian Fellowship Centre and Irish Emancipation Crusade (CFCIEC) gave effective cover for the abuse perpetrated by McGrath.  Much false and scandalous material plus the exclusion of Faith House ensured that I took no part in the HIAI investigation.  

The mission claimed to be “A national movement for the evangelization of Irelandand the deepening of spiritual life!”  But I suspect the real purpose was to provide a safe haven for abuse by the mission leader, William McGrath who ran Faith House. It was based, at first, on Belfast’s Antrim Road in the 1940s; Finaghy in the 1950s; Wellington Park in the 1960s, and Greenwood Avenue in the 1970s.  The word,“Centre” was dropped by the early 1960s, which I suspect, was to avoid parents suing the property.  Many victims left but few if any, explained why.  McGrath felt betrayed and looked for sympathy. The abuse, disguised as counselling, continued for decades, but the psychological grooming seemed as damaging as the brutality at Kincora.

A stated aim of the mission was to reverse the decline in Protestantism, which was said to be “dying out in Ireland.”   Supporters were urged to make “An all-out effort to put the gospel into the hands of our fellow-countrymen, bound by the foreign and cruel system of Romanism.”  McGrath, the self-styled secretary claimed to be taking the gospel to Irish Catholics to revive the faith of St Patrick but former victims told me their abuse began in the 1940s.  While McGrath is infamous for his abuse of boys and younger teenagers, his sexual appetite seemed wider than that. Two women claimed he tried to have sex with each of them when they were quite young.   But McGrath talked openly of “treating” them.  He frequently used psychological concepts, which I suspect he had first picked up from the Rev. Dr. William Northridge a psychologist who McGrath said, had mentored him.

I first heard McGrath speak at a small church in Percy Street in 1956, after which I was invited to Faith House, Finaghy.  I thought this might be a step towards Christian service after being inspired by stories he told of CT Studd, who devoted his life and inheritance to missions in India, China and Africa.  Even boys from less privilegedbackgrounds were said to have achieved great things for God.  He told of five missionaries in Ecuador, martyred by those they served.  I read their story, Through Gates of Splendor and dedicated my life to Christian service and entered Bible College in England. Dad was uneasy about the mission but didn’t seem to know why, but he had expected me to develop his small business.  Bible College was a truly life changing experience and while there, I successfully engaged in university work after having left school as a 14-year-old. 

I was welcomed into the impressive mansion of Faith House, Finaghy by a young English lady who showed me into McGrath’s study.  I sat there reading the inscriptions and glancing through books.  A framed inscription on the large fireplace read, “Dare to do right, dare to be true, keep the great judgment seat always in view.  Look at your work as you’ll look at it then, scanned by Jehovah and angels and men.”I felt challenged but would learn of a hidden side to the mission.  As Vera Baird, former Victims’ Commissioner said, “doing charitable works…bears no relationship to whether that same man is a sexual abuser.”  

The Young lady later told me a shocking story.  She had run children’s meetings at the mission until she learned that McGrath had sexually abused the children.  She said abuse also took place during one or two visits to the Irish Republic to “spread the gospel.”  However she was shocked when confronted at the mission by two naked men.  She was an unpaid English volunteer so there was no easy way out but said she eventually “escaped” but returned briefly to collect her things. I put her story to the mission leader who dismissed it saying she had mental problems and was not to be taken seriously. I had lived a sheltered life and could not believe such things were possible at a “Christian mission.”  McGrath impressed me with his psychology and apparent dedication and seemed capable and wise in many respects.  

Psychological Tactics to Hide abuse

Year’s later one man, who was abused at the “mission” in the 1940s, as a 14-year-old said McGrath had told him he was homosexual and had mental problems.  He was distraught and never recovered despite psychiatric treatment.  A nurse at a Day Centre thought his problems were not caused by the abuse but I believe the cunning, deceitful grooming and abuse by McGrath had led to his distress.  I could almost feel his pain, as it was palpable, but scores perhaps a hundred and more were abused at the mission, which was never investigated, as it was outside the Terms of Reference.

I talked with other men who admitted being abused as teenagers in the 1940s, but McGrath had rationalized his abuse, as psychologist Rev HH Aitchison put it, but claimed he was only encouraging friendships among boys.  He referred to Biblical friendships between Jesus and John the beloved disciple and David and Jonathan.  He said he was not saying these were homosexual but friendships that have been distorted by the modern overemphasis on heterosexuality but he was actually a secret, insatiable abuser of boys and women who he “treated” for personal “problems.”  

McGrath and the Orange Order.

There was a growing political side to McGrath in that, having opposed Orange Order membership for years, he joined the Orange Order in the mid 1960s and encouraged other young people to infiltrate Orange Lodges and the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), the then dominant Unionist political party, to stop the “decline” in Protestantism. 

In 1962, Sir George Clark, Orange Order Grand Master, initially accepted an invitation to talks from James Lennon of the Ancient Order of Hibernians (AOH). But McGrath saw such talks as anathema and with others opposed this.  He thoughtthe Orange Order and UUP were being weakened by ecumenism.  His opposition wasvirulent when he learned that Queen Elizabeth and other dignitaries planned to visit the Pope in Rome.  This, he said, meant the British Throne, Parliament and Church had betrayed the faith.  Queen Elizabeth’s visit to the Pope was the ultimate betrayal as it re-established communion with the See of Rome, so she was not entitled to beQueen.  This was part of a wider campaign during which he also claimed the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association was part of a Communist plot to destabilize Northern Ireland and create revolution across the UK.  

He also formed Ireland’s Heritage Orange Lodge whose title appeared on the banner in Irish as Oidhreacht Eireann.  I was more than happy with this but he insisted on adding a verse beneath the map of Ireland, “Again Boyne River shall flow blood red, the heath be dipped in gore, err crownless harp in rebel hands shall fly in Ulster’s shore.”  I could not accept this and the Grand Master agreed.  McGrath meekly accepted this verdict so the verse was excluded.  A few years later leading Loyalists helped create possibilities for a new future, beyond Orange and Green.  This would mean an evolving relationship between the Irish people based on mutual respect.  Loyalists generally welcomed the banner and they engaged in dialogue with Republicans in the South.

“London and Belfast Committee,”

During the 1960s McGrath invited me to join the “London and Belfast Committee,” composed of people, apparently linked with Intelligence.  He would not explain so I declined, which left him devastated.  He said because of my refusal he and I were excluded from this and other committees.  

Hart (HIAI) Inquiry

The Hart Inquiry wrongly accused me of being homosexual and a UVF member.

I have written a biography of Gusty Spence, a founding member and leader of the UVF.  I admired the courage of UVF Leaders in speaking with both wings of the IRA. However, I was never a member of the UVF. Hart’s Report had placed my life in danger on account of this egregious error.

I have never been homophobic but neither was I ever a homosexual, as the HIAI claimed, with much other misinformation.  

Defamation

Lawyer Brian Garrett told me that inquiries such as the HIAI had privilege like a court and could not be challenged at law.   The Inquiry reported what they were told, true or false.  But even some RUC material was inaccurate.  Protestant clergy suggested I write my story, which I have done and will hopefully be prepared for publication.  I intend this essay to prepare the way for the launch of the book.  Two of the three abusers at Kincora admitted guilt but McGrath, the “mission’ secretary, at first denied guilt but then pleaded guilty after speaking with his Counsel, Desmond Boal QC, who phoned and encouraged me to continue writing this book.  The abuse at Faith House was never addressed and I was threatened for raising the issue but after decades of abuse, the full truth remains untold.

The RUC Officer and his Gun.

It has never emerged at any of the investigations or media reports that the RUC at Donegall Pass threatened one of their own, RUC Constable DC Cullen, to keep him quiet about what he was told about McGrath. I believe he faced serious threats and felt he could not ignore these.  He told me he was worried that his fellow RUC should know that he and I were meeting and tried to minimize the frequency of our meetings.

DC Cullen interviewed a young friend at Donegall Pass RUC who spoke openly and courageously and insisted I stay for the interview, which was conducted by DC Cullen. The young man disclosed details about years of abuse. I cannot now be sure of the date but this all happened around the 1990s.  DC Cullen heard the witness’s testimony but faced determined opposition from fellow RUC officers who held him captive at Donegall Pass RUC Station but his captors had forgotten to search him so he was able to produce his gun and they released him but continued to hinder his investigation. DC Cullen later denied that this interview took place.

Death Threats

I also faced death threats after learning that McGrath had asked gunmen to assassinate me.  I knew of three plots including one by loyalist Davy Payne who admitted his intention to kill me but later apologized but would make a threatening gesture as if to shoot me.

I believe I owe my survival to wise advice from a Loyalist leader who told me to keep a low profile and might have to flee the country, the threat was so serious it would remain while the assassins lived.  

I had broken all contact with Faith House and Tara and other related groups the leader had influence in to engage in study. I entered Queen’s University in 1973 to complete a social science degree and teaching qualification.  During this I also joined the UDR to support peace efforts and earn some money while studying.

I was very frustrated at my failure to stop McGrath’s abuse and his manipulation of young people.  I was greatly relieved however when, finally, McGrath was exposed in January 1980 by the Irish Independent newspaper in the Republic. The full story about this man, however, remains buried. I hope this essay helps clarify aspects of the picture a little.

One Reason To Doubt McGuinness Was A British Asset

In a word it’s Mountbatten.

When the maternal uncle of the Queen of England was blown to pieces along with family members and friends as they enjoyed a day’s sea fishing off the Co Mayo (that should have read Co Sligo) coast on a warm August day in 1979, Martin McGuinness was Chief of Staff of the Provisional IRA and as such would have known of the plan for some time and given it his approval.

Otherwise it wouldn’t have happened.

Assume then that somewhere along the line McGuinness had been turned and was now working for the other side and had briefed his handlers about the plot to kill Mountbatten. What would his handlers do? Intervene to save Mountbatten or let him die so as to preserve a precious intelligence asset?

I would guess they would try to arrange matters so that Mountbatten lived and McGuinness escaped blame in some way, the finger of suspicion not yet turning in his direction.

Well, only one of those outcomes actually happened. Mountbatten and his holiday party were blown to pieces. I can’t imagine British spookdom seeing anything positive about that. This story doesn’t give an answer to the ‘Was McGuinness an informer?’ chatter but it needs to be included in the conversation.

Adams Set For Aras Bid In Wake Of Final Peace Deal?

You didn’t think the peace process was only about ending the IRA’s war against the British, did you? Silly you, if you did.

On This Of All Days, A Memory Of Sunningdale Recalled……

When the news came to New York that Sinn Fein and the major Unionist party (by the way, what should either be called these days?) had agreed to go into government together at Stormont, I couldn’t get one stubborn thought out of my mind. Hadn’t we been somewhere like this before?

We had of course, but not in the way most would expect. It was 1974 and the bulk of political and paramilitary Unionism was lined up in quite violent opposition to a power sharing government at Stormont created by the British government, with the knowing assent of the Dublin government, the SDLP and the Alliance party.

Unionism wasn’t the only fractured polity in town. Nationalism was also divided; the SDLP, then the unchallenged spokesperson for Northern Nationalism, enthusiastically backed the new government, named Sunningdale after the place of its birth at a conference in sunny southern England.

But the Republicans – and in those days it was the IRA, not Sinn Fein, which mattered – opposed the deal and refused to vote, so the republican vote was measured for many years in pounds of gelignite and gun battles. The IRA and hard line Unionism were on the same side, so to speak, both eager to see the deal brought down in May 1974, as today they are consenting parties in a process slated to end with dependable bums safely ensconced on cabinet seats. That has to be an irony with few equals.

The fact that there is really nowhere else for either ‘Unionism’ or ‘Nationalism’ to go serves mostly to guarantee the longevity of, what we might call ‘Sunningdale Two’. The unanswered and unasked question which as yet no-one is openly asking, but sure as hell is thinking, is harder to face, as least for those at the cutting edge of events, and is best put something like this: “If you knew how it would end, would you have done what you did?”

It is perhaps to the advantage of the new deal that within a couple of decades the Troubles generation, thanks to Mother Nature, will be a distinct minority and the effect of violence well on the way to becoming a folk memory. The answer to that ‘what did you do in the war, daddy?’ question will, at that stage, be more a curiosity than anything more foreboding.

British Troops In Divis Had Access To 28 Stornophones In Year Before IRA Disappeared Jean McConville….

From James Kinchin-White and Ed Moloney

If Jean McConville was, as the IRA has claimed, working as a spy for the British Army when in December 1972 she was abducted from her Divis Flats home and ‘disappeared’ into an unmarked grave on the shores of Carlingford Lough, communicating with her handlers was likely the least of her problems.

British Army documents recently accessed at the national archives at Kew in southern England show that the regiment based in the Divis Flats complex in west Belfast during the year before the IRA kidnapped and killed her, the 1st Battalion, Royal Green Jackets, had access to a supply of no less than 28 Stornophones which were described officially as ‘local issue’, suggesting a Northern Ireland-based source had provided the sets, possibly the RUC.

(above) Stornophone sets of the sort used in the 1970’s, (below) a typical pre-Stornophone military radio, its size next to useless when dealing with agents and informers…

Typical of the Stornophone denials is this extract from the account of the Jean McConville killing and disappearance taken from Patrick Keefe’s book ‘Say Nothing’: “There was also mystery relating to the detail of the radio itself. Some former police officers, like Trevor Campbell, maintained that neither the army nor the police were using hand-held radios to communicate with informants (page 333)”.

When he was researching his book, Keefe could have cited the Bloody Sunday inquiry headed by Lord Saville who noted in his report the use of Stornophones by soldiers on duty in Derry during the demonstration that day. But he didn’t. Bloody Sunday happened in January 1972, the best part of a year between that event and Jean McConville’s lonely death on the shores of Carlingford Lough the following December. Equally, the internet is full of photos of soldiers using or carrying Stornophones while on duty in 1971 and 1972 in the months preceding – not just following – Jean McConville’s abduction.

The evidence that the Stornophone was in use by British and locally-recruited members of the security forces some time before the IRA abducted and ‘disappeared’ Jean McConville, is overwhelming. And it makes sense. The Stornophone was small and easy to use, being similar in its characteristics to the modern smart phone. It made sense for British military units to use the smaller, handier device, especially when communicating with people in great need of secrecy.

The stack of Stornophones provided to the 1st Battalion, the Royal Green Jackets numbered 28, sufficient to last the regiment’s tour of West Belfast which lasted from the beginning of May 1971 till the end of September. Other heavier and bulkier sets, the C42, A41 and A40 radios were also available but their size and weight ruled them out from being used in sensitive situations such as those the Royal Green Jackets and their informants would routinely experience.

What we don’t yet know is whether the supply of Stornophones was a one off event or whether it was routine from the summer of 1971 onwards to make the Stornophone available to all military units serving in N. Ireland. We can be sure however that at least in the summer of 1971, the supply of Stornphones to the major military unit in the lower Falls area of West Belfast was more than adequate. The question that so far eludes a definitive answer is whether Jean McConville was provided with one of the Stornophones issued to the Royal Green Jackets. What we do know now is that she could have been…….:

General Sir Frank Kitson Is Dead…..

By Ed Moloney and James Kinchin-White

One of the British Army’s most controversial senior officers during the Troubles, General Sir Frank Kitson has died, aged 97, his regimental headquarters has announced. Kitson was in charge of the British Army in the 39th Brigade area in Belfast at the start of the Troubles and will be remembered mostly for launching covert units, known as the MRF, or Mobile Reaction Force, attached to regular military units using IRA spies to assist in intelligence gathering operations. Two of his spies were uncovered by the IRA and were ‘disappeared’ in the early 1970’s and their spying activities largely covered up by the IRA. A third was betrayed by Sunday Times journalists and was badly shot up by the IRA and although gravely wounded he survived. Aside from his period running the British Army’s intelligence operations in Ireland he will best be remembered for his use of similar methods against the Mau-Mau in Kenya. Kitson’s death was announced by his regimental headquarters in the following statement:

“There are not many senior officers who have initiated and brought about a significant and lasting change in Army doctrine and practice. General Sir Frank Kitson, who has died aged 97 in early January, is certainly one of them. He is well remembered by all who served with him, first in the Rifle Brigade, which he joined after schooling at Stowe, and then in the Green Jackets where he became widely known for his inimitable style of leadership and decisive command. His name was also recognised throughout the Army at large as he rose through the ranks to become Commander of 39 Brigade in Belfast and 2nd Armoured Division commander in Germany, culminating in his top job as Commander in Chief of all troops in the United Kingdom. In his early days as a young officer in the Rifle Brigade based in Germany, he indulged his love of horses and he raced and rode in various Rhine Army events and hunts. He was also a keen shot. Later as a Captain in Kenya and as a Major commanding his company in Malaya, Frank was decisive, hard-headed and practical but above all his novel approach to dealing with insurrection marked him out as an officer with a great future. His actions in Kenya earned him a Military Cross for his outstanding achievements against the Mau Mau and a second one, a Bar, for his successful jungle operations during the emergency in Malaya. Much later, a year spent in Academia as a Defence Fellow at Oxford led to the publication of a book entitled “Low Intensity Operations” in which he highlighted the measures the Army should take to prepare for operations against subversion, insurrection and peacekeeping and this original work was eventually to influence the Army’s training and operational procedures. His first book had been published in 1960, called “Gangs and Counter Gangs” it described his experiences during the Mau Mau campaign in Kenya. Later on, he turned his attention to the task of peacekeeping in Cyprus and the much more demanding intelligence and operational problems he encountered in Northern Ireland when dealing with the IRA during the so called “Troubles”. Although many people found that reading “Low Intensity Operations” was hard going, Frank’s other books were both readable and instructive as he recalled his many and varied experiences and the lessons he learned. In his next book entitled “Bunch of Five” he described how he dealt with counter-insurgency and peacekeeping operations based on his involvement in four campaigns in Kenya, Malaya, Oman and Cyprus. The fifth and final digit was to have dealt with operations in Northern Ireland, but that potato was deemed to be too hot to handle so instead he set out his conclusions on the way in which operations should be conducted in these different areas. Frank’s least favourite jobs were in the War Office, later the MoD, and he was glad to have spent only two short spells there. He was an instructor at the Royal Naval College Greenwich and also attended the American Armed Forces Staff College where, although a student, he was much in demand to address various audiences of senior American officers anxious to hear his lessons learned during his already action-packed career. Successful command of a Green Jackets battalion in the UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus was followed by his year at Oxford and he was promoted to brigadier in 1970 to command 39 Brigade. This was a difficult two-year period, not only for Northern Ireland, but also for Frank and Elizabeth and they were to be affected by those events for the rest of their lives. Frank was inaccurately blamed for proposing and planning internment without trial of many Catholics in 1972. But such a highly sensitive operation was necessarily thought up and sanctioned at a much more senior level than that of a brigadier. More serious than the often scurrilous and inaccurate accusations and bad press coverage were the legal and actual physical threats to Frank personally. When, after Belfast, he moved to Warminster to command the School of Infantry, the family were more than once warned of a threat to their lives and had to take rapid evasive action. In 1976 Frank returned to Germany as a major general to command the 2nd Armoured Division and after that it was back to UK as Commandant of the Staff College at Camberley. On leaving the Staff College he became Deputy C in C UKLF at Wilton as well as the Inspector General of the Territorial Army. It was no surprise when, two years later, he moved up to be the Commander in Chief as a four star general and he became an ADC (General) to HM The Queen. During those two senior appointments he planned and brought about the reorganisation and rationale of the home command. The headquarters staff was streamlined and the savings in staff posts were used to create new posts on the staffs of District Commanders who were made directly responsible for the many roles of UK based troops, not least the enormous logistic task involved in reinforcing BAOR in the event of an attack by the Warsaw Pact. Frank retired a few months before his 60th birthday but not to a life of ease as he sat down once again with his word processor and produced two books on how the Army should be organised and run. These were called “Warfare as a Whole” and “Directing Operations”. He then changed tack and produced two military history books on Prince Rupert and another on the military career of Oliver Cromwell. In retirement Frank and Elizabeth enjoyed their lives in Devon where they were hospitable and generous hosts. Frank had given up his riding and shooting but he had more time to fish on the River Tamar. He became a DL and chaired the Devon County Royal British Legion. He was Chairman of the Mounted Infantry Club, a Governor of Stowe, his old school, and a member of Boodles. All those who served with Frank Kitson will have recognised him as an exceptional soldier, a caring commander and an inspirational leader. Our heartfelt condolences go to Elizabeth, his wife of 61 years, and their three daughters, and seven grandchildren. For those who wish to write to Lady Kitson OBE DL, please refer to the RGJ Association for the address. There will be a private family funeral and, at a later date, details of a memorial service will be sent out.”

Hypocrisy? It’s only starting……

Thanks to HC for the tip…….